DELHI DIARY: The signing of the agreement for setting up an autonomous administrative body for the Darjeeling Hills holds out a big promise and a bigger challenge.
The positive event promises to marry the local people’s aspiration for a distinct political identity with their hopes of economic development.
It does envisage an unprecedented degree of autonomy to the newly formed entity, called the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA).
Yet whether it will pave the way for a genuine breakthrough in resolving the ‘Gorkhaland’ question that has been the cause of much bloodshed and agitation in northern West Bengal is uncertain.
But what is certainly heartening, for now, is the prospect of peace in Darjeeling - long sought and long denied to its people.
The tripartite pact last week is the culmination of nearly three years of painstaking talks between the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJM), the central government, and the Left Front government of West Bengal.
The Trinamool Congress’ assumption of power in the State, its partnership in the UPA coalition at the centre and its friendly ties with the GJM facilitated the process this time and gave it the much-needed push.
Nevertheless, the text of the agreement acknowledges discordant notes of the GJM, that has not given up its demand for a separate state, as well as the other two signatories - the central and state governments – which ruled out any division of Bengal.
Irrespective of the contradicting notes, there is harmony enough to make a new beginning.
Short of statehood, a measure of autonomy, improved civic infrastructure and crucially a share of the revenue from tea and tourism can placate the Hills people.
The pact, for the first time again, has acknowledged the overriding importance of ethnicity in the region, pre-eminently the Gorkha identity.
To accord due recognition to ethnicity is not to encourage separatism. The government must dispel the dominant feeling of exploitation while the Hills people must allow the agreement to work.
The slightest backtracking can impede the move towards peace. And peace must be given a chance.
The agreement envisages the revival of the democratic engagement. The GTA shall be formed through direct election and will comprise 50 members, with 45 to be elected within six months, and the rest nominated.
The agreement is explicit on the point that it covers the Hills of Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong, and not Siliguri, Terai and the Dooars - the plains over which a committee will take a call.
The Bengali-speaking people in the Dooars, and Terai, as well as tribals have opposed the Pintail agreement, fearing it would effectively divide the state.
West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, however, categorically declared that there was no question of such a division.
But signing the agreement was the easier part. It would be far more contentious when it comes to demarcate the boundary of the new administration.
While the new Hill administration has enjoyed far more powers than what was given to the ‘Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council’ (DGHC) 23 years ago, sceptics have rightly pointed out that the new agreement is no guarantee against the DGHC experience being repeated.
Mamata Banerjee will have to ensure that Centre’s promised financial package of Rs6000mn over three years, aside from the normal Plan assistance to the State, this time is better utilised, keeping usurpers off, and people from the plains treated with dignity.
The fruition of the notion of making the long-troubled region of Darjeeling bloom again will depend on its people having a central role over resources, funding and development.
Cabinet reshuffle
The much-awaited Cabinet reshuffle carried out by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh recently turned out to be a damp squib.
It reflected neither a realisation to clean up the tarred image of the UPA government nor a resolve to top-up the governance of the country.
Establishment spin doctors have been hinting at a major overhaul to improve the prime minister’s personal image.
Subtle hints have also been dropped about inducting new blood that was raring to deliver on many fronts.
The Prime Minister’s repeated confabulations with Sonia Gandhi had also given the impression that, after the minor tinkering in January, this could be a major face-lifting exercise that would silence those who claimed that the government has lost momentum. But as it panned out, the outcome turned out to be just a fire-fighting exercise, not one aimed at making the edifice fire-proof.
It was better for the prime minster to refrain from taking a decision if all he could do was to reflect his indecisive state of mind or his inability to do what he wanted.
The changes announced do not suggest that their primary aim was to enhance governance.
Rather, they are suggestive of a few cosmetic changes aimed to keep up the appearance of fulfilling a promise.
Never perceived as a decisive leader with drive and initiative, Singh himself has emerged out of it weaker than ever.
Obviously he did not want to rock the boat by initiating any major and radical change in his cabinet. This lack of confidence cannot be a sign that governance has top priority in the agenda of the second United Progressive Alliance government.
The UPA’s pathetic image is not due to the bad performance of those who have been shown the door, it is entirely due to policy paralysis and aimless political drift.
The most positive fallout of the Cabinet reshuffle is that it is finally over. The prime minister has chosen new faces, clear of any taint or political infirmity, who can now get down to work, without uncertainty.
But none of these will be able to correct the economic downturn or save the government from daily judicial scrutiny.
~gulf-times
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