SENSITIVE ISSUES

Fifth Column -Sumanta Sen: As could be apprehended beforehand, the Gorkhaland agreement has led to fissiparous tendencies coming to the surface elsewhere in North Bengal. The demand for a Greater Cooch Behar is again being heard, and it may only be a matter of time before the Kamtapuris in Jalpaiguri become active in a big way for a ‘homeland’ of their own. Like the Nepalese, these people also do not have any valid reason to back their claim — it is all a matter of sentiment. But if sentiment is taken note of, even partially, in one case then it becomes difficult to ignore it in other areas. Particularly so since the chief minister, in her avatar as the Opposition leader, had always seemed to have a soft corner for these agitationists who, in the last year or so, have also become close to the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha.

At first sight, the Cooch Behar agitationists would appear to be on a fairly strong ground. Cooch Behar was a ‘native’ state. When it acceded to India in 1947, it became a mere district and not a state on its own. “Unfair”, has been the call raised shortly after that by those who ruled the roost during the princely regime. What is not being taken into account is that most other such states also became districts — as in Rajasthan, for example. The Hyderabad of the Nizam did not become a separate state and in the Northeast, Tripura did not have to become a small part of any region because Cyril Radcliffe gave Comilla to Pakistan. So how can Cooch Behar have any special claim? The protagonists of Greater Cooch Behar are fully within their rights to bemoan the loss of status but they have to accept the reality. Granting them their demand — as also that of the Kamtapuris — will bring into play the Assam government, and Dispur cannot be expected to have time for such an exercise. Just as it has no intention of ceding a part of its territory for the realization of the demand for a Greater Nagaland. As for the Kamtapuris, the demand that the ancient glory of the Rajbanshis be restored to them is too wild to be voiced in this day and age. But, unfortunately, in India, ancient history tends to remain valid as there are always a few takers for it with ulterior motives.

Pandora’s box

Hence the complications. Successive state governments failed to firmly put their foot down and label the demands as pure nonsense. Instead, there have been efforts at arguing with the other side when there exists no scope for argument. The former chief minister, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, had even attempted a scholarly discussion on the Rajbanshi language to prove its affinity to Bengali. Why? Reasoned arguments certainly have their place but only when the other side is reasonable.

Also, there is the question of demography. In today’s Cooch Behar and Jalpaiguri, the Bengalis far outnumber the Rajbanshis, and this must be taken into account. Particularly when, in the hills, the numerical superiority of the Nepalese has always prevailed over the interests of the Bhutias and the Lepchas — which, ideally speaking, should not have happened but, then, ultimately, it is numbers that matter. Also, it is not that the Rajbanshis are not allowed to play any role in the public life of the region.

Now they have smelt blood. If the state government has accepted the nomenclature, ‘Gorkhaland’, can the real thing be far behind? Ethnicity is a sensitive issue. And by now, it has been realized that if properly handled, it can bring in the goodies to a fair measure. The current line of thinking clearly is, demand statehood and at least autonomy will come your way. Indeed the way things are going, the demand for a Greater Jharkhand may once again be raised in South Bengal. Particularly if the tribals in the Terai and the Dooars are made to hand over a part of their lands to the Nepalese. Pandora’s box has now been truly opened wide.

~The Telegraph