Dooars:
Those who have been to Jaldapara Wildlife Sanctuary would love to know
that it was named after the Jalda community, a proto-australoid tribe.
Jaldapara was once home to them. But now, the tribe has become extinct.
Such facts have triggered a social engineering in the foothills prior to Lok Sabha election. This is different from how Didi or other mainstream political parties have tried to showcase Dooars - the land of lush green gardens, tranquil forests interspersed with misty settlements. Political leaders can't take them for granted because they comprise nearly 70% of the population. The educated among 36 tribal communities now want a share in the power structure.
Party banners are no longer the only identity of candidates in the fray. For instance, Manohar Tirkey of RSP, Dasarath Tirkey of Trinamool and BJP's Birendra Bara are known by their Oraon origin. Joseph Munda of Congress has a protestant Christian lineage.
So when Adivasi Vikas Parishad felicitates Mamata Banerjee, Trinamool should not take it as support from the entire community. For, adivasis are not a homogeneous population. The Adivasi Vikas Parishad led by its president Tej Kumar Toppo represents proto-australoid communities - Oraon, Minj, Tigga, Kujur, Lakhra and others - who migrated to tea gardens from Chhoto Nagpur plateau or Madhya Pradesh to work mainly as labourers. The other dominant group include the mongoloids - Mechh (Bodo), Rava, Toto, Tamang Limbu.
This is one reason why adivasi leader John Barla has announced his support to the BJP along with Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, Kamtapur People's Party and Gorkha Janmukti Morcha while other group head Rajesh Lakhra is sitting tight on his Nagrakata base.
The changing scenario has made the Bengali population in Malbazar, Dhupguri, Gayerkata feel insecure. "Some of these adivasi labourers mob the shops shouting Jai Johar slogan and eat whatever they want without paying anything," said shopowner Biswajit Barua of Telipara at Dhupguri. Barua admits that the Trinamool has done some development work but the RSP has control over major tea gardens from Alipurduar to Barobisa.
New Muslim settlers from Bangladesh are also a force to reckon with. Their new outfit Milati Islami counters the adivasi rage. Opposed to it are the Bodos who may field their own candidate - a former Mizo minister in the Alipurduars Lok Sabha polls. The Jaldhaka river bed, a few minutes drive from Khunia More past Chapramari Sanctuary, is a free passage for militants to Bhutan forests. Retired settlement officer Asit Das at Alipurduar town is also scared about the rise in night patrols by Nepali settlers. "Watch out the area from Alipurduar to Damanpur. Nepali ex-servicemen give night patrols in the Gaghra locality. I don't trust them," Das said.
Tribals also feel insecure. A new Hanuman mandir is coming up every year in Malbazar, Binnaguri area like in the Northeast. "The pandits run the roadside shops, play bhajans and also want the adivasis to do Satyanarayan puja. Even the local church insists on church marriage. Tribals lost their land, and now our culture is at stake. Some of the turncoats have also dumped our own Karam puja," said Tej Toppo.
The "turncoat" sentiment, though in the political sense, has gone against Trinamool's Dasarath Tirkey. "I have doubts how many Trinamool supporters would vote for him. He is on a sticky wicket in his own Kumargram village," a Trinamool organiser from Malbazar said. The Trinamool has control over the panchayats in Tufanj only. The BJP, on the other hand, has a solid votebank in Alipurduar with support from Hindu settlers from Bangladesh. And more, it has expanded its votebank by running the Eklavya schools in the area. Its ally - the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha - has over 80 panchayats. The majority panchayats spread over Kumargram, Kalchini, Nagrakata, Madarihat and Falakata remain with the Left. Congress MLA from Nagrakata and now Congress MP candidate Joseph Munda banks on tribal Christian votes and those of tea garden workers where Intuc has an influence.(TOI)
Such facts have triggered a social engineering in the foothills prior to Lok Sabha election. This is different from how Didi or other mainstream political parties have tried to showcase Dooars - the land of lush green gardens, tranquil forests interspersed with misty settlements. Political leaders can't take them for granted because they comprise nearly 70% of the population. The educated among 36 tribal communities now want a share in the power structure.
Party banners are no longer the only identity of candidates in the fray. For instance, Manohar Tirkey of RSP, Dasarath Tirkey of Trinamool and BJP's Birendra Bara are known by their Oraon origin. Joseph Munda of Congress has a protestant Christian lineage.
So when Adivasi Vikas Parishad felicitates Mamata Banerjee, Trinamool should not take it as support from the entire community. For, adivasis are not a homogeneous population. The Adivasi Vikas Parishad led by its president Tej Kumar Toppo represents proto-australoid communities - Oraon, Minj, Tigga, Kujur, Lakhra and others - who migrated to tea gardens from Chhoto Nagpur plateau or Madhya Pradesh to work mainly as labourers. The other dominant group include the mongoloids - Mechh (Bodo), Rava, Toto, Tamang Limbu.
This is one reason why adivasi leader John Barla has announced his support to the BJP along with Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, Kamtapur People's Party and Gorkha Janmukti Morcha while other group head Rajesh Lakhra is sitting tight on his Nagrakata base.
The changing scenario has made the Bengali population in Malbazar, Dhupguri, Gayerkata feel insecure. "Some of these adivasi labourers mob the shops shouting Jai Johar slogan and eat whatever they want without paying anything," said shopowner Biswajit Barua of Telipara at Dhupguri. Barua admits that the Trinamool has done some development work but the RSP has control over major tea gardens from Alipurduar to Barobisa.
New Muslim settlers from Bangladesh are also a force to reckon with. Their new outfit Milati Islami counters the adivasi rage. Opposed to it are the Bodos who may field their own candidate - a former Mizo minister in the Alipurduars Lok Sabha polls. The Jaldhaka river bed, a few minutes drive from Khunia More past Chapramari Sanctuary, is a free passage for militants to Bhutan forests. Retired settlement officer Asit Das at Alipurduar town is also scared about the rise in night patrols by Nepali settlers. "Watch out the area from Alipurduar to Damanpur. Nepali ex-servicemen give night patrols in the Gaghra locality. I don't trust them," Das said.
Tribals also feel insecure. A new Hanuman mandir is coming up every year in Malbazar, Binnaguri area like in the Northeast. "The pandits run the roadside shops, play bhajans and also want the adivasis to do Satyanarayan puja. Even the local church insists on church marriage. Tribals lost their land, and now our culture is at stake. Some of the turncoats have also dumped our own Karam puja," said Tej Toppo.
The "turncoat" sentiment, though in the political sense, has gone against Trinamool's Dasarath Tirkey. "I have doubts how many Trinamool supporters would vote for him. He is on a sticky wicket in his own Kumargram village," a Trinamool organiser from Malbazar said. The Trinamool has control over the panchayats in Tufanj only. The BJP, on the other hand, has a solid votebank in Alipurduar with support from Hindu settlers from Bangladesh. And more, it has expanded its votebank by running the Eklavya schools in the area. Its ally - the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha - has over 80 panchayats. The majority panchayats spread over Kumargram, Kalchini, Nagrakata, Madarihat and Falakata remain with the Left. Congress MLA from Nagrakata and now Congress MP candidate Joseph Munda banks on tribal Christian votes and those of tea garden workers where Intuc has an influence.(TOI)